"I Have A Dream"
by Martin Luther King, Jr,
Delivered on the steps at the Lincoln Memorial in Washington D.C. on August 28, 1963. Source: Martin Luther
King, Jr: The Peaceful Warrior, Pocket Books, NY 1968
Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand signed the
Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had
been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of captivity. But one
hundred years later, we must face the tragic fact that the Negro is still not free.
One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation
and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a
vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languishing in the corners of American society
and finds himself an exile in his own land.
So we have come here today to dramatize an appalling condition. In a sense we have come to our nation's
capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration
of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir.
This note was a promise that all men would be guaranteed the inalienable rights of life, liberty,
and the pursuit of happiness. It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note insofar as her citizens
of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check which has
come back marked "insufficient funds." But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe
that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation.
So we have come to cash this check -- a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom
and the security of justice. We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of now. This
is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to rise
from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to open the doors of
opportunity to all of God's children. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid
rock of brotherhood.
It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment and to underestimate the determination
of the Negro. This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn
of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. Those who hope that the Negro needed to blow
off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. There will be neither
rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights.
The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day
of justice emerges. But there is something that I must say to my people who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the
palace of justice. In the process of gaining our rightful place we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to
satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred.
We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. we must not allow
our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting
physical force with soul force.
The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to distrust of
all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their
destiny is tied up with our destiny and their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom.
We cannot walk alone. And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall march ahead. We cannot
turn back. There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied?" we can never be satisfied
as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels
of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as the Negro's basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. We can
never be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which
to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until justice rolls down like waters and righteousness
like a mighty stream.
I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you
have come fresh from narrow cells. Some of you have come from areas where your quest for freedom left you battered by the
storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue
to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive.
Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the
slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed. Let us not wallow in
the valley of despair. I say to you today, my friends, that in spite of the difficulties and frustrations of the moment, I
still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.
I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We
hold these truths to be self-evident: that all men are created equal." I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia
the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slaveowners will be able to sit down together at a table of brotherhood.
I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a desert state, sweltering with the heat of injustice and oppression,
will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice. I have a dream that my four children will one day live in a nation
where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character. I have a dream today.
I have a dream that one day the state of Alabama, whose governor's lips are presently dripping with
the words of interposition and nullification, will be transformed into a situation where little black boys and black girls
will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls and walk together as sisters and brothers. I have a dream
today. I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places
will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight, and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed, and all flesh
shall see it together. This is our hope. This is the faith with which I return to the South. With this faith we will be able
to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith we will be able to transform the jangling discords
of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith we will be able to work together, to pray together,
to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.
This will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with a new meaning, "My country,
'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing. Land where my fathers died, land of the pilgrim's pride, from every mountainside,
let freedom ring." And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true. So let freedom ring from the prodigious
hilltops of New Hampshire. Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York. Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies
of Pennsylvania! Let freedom ring from the snowcapped Rockies of Colorado! Let freedom ring from the curvaceous peaks of California!
But not only that; let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia! Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee! Let
freedom ring from every hill and every molehill of Mississippi. From every mountainside, let freedom ring.
When we let freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state
and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles,
Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual, "Free at last! free
at last! thank God Almighty, we are free at last!"
Ku Kux Klan
At the end of the American Civil War radical members of Congress attempted to destroy the white power structure of the Rebel states. The Freeman's Bureau was established by Congress on 3rd March, 1865. The bureau was designed to protect the interests of former
slaves. This included helping them to find new employment and to improve educational and health facilities. In the year that
followed the bureau spent $17,000,000 establishing 4,000 schools, 100 hospitals and providing homes and food for former slaves.
Attempts by Congress to extend the powers of the Freemen's Bureau was vetoed by President Andrew Johnson in February, 1866. In April 1866, Johnson also vetoed the Civil Rights Bill that was designed to protect
freed slaves from Southern Black Codes (laws that placed severe restrictions on freed slaves such as prohibiting their right to vote, forbidding
them to sit on juries, limiting their right to testify against white men, carrying weapons in public places and working in
The election of 1866 increased the number of Radical Republicans in Congress. The following year Congress passed the first Reconstruction Act. The South was now divided into five military districts, each under a major general. New elections were
to be held in each state with freed male slaves being allowed to vote. The act also included an amendment that offered readmission
to the Southern states after they had ratified the Fourteenth Amendment and guaranteed adult male suffrage. Johnson immediately vetoed the bill but Congress re-passed the bill
the same day.
The first branch of the Ku Klux Klan was established in Pulaski, Tennessee, in May, 1866. A year later
a general organization of local Klans was established in Nashville in April, 1867. Most of the leaders were former members
of the Confederate Army and the first Grand Wizard was Nathan Forrest, an outstanding general during the American Civil War. During the next two years Klansmen wearing masks, white cardboard hats and draped in white sheets, tortured
and killed black Americans and sympathetic whites. Immigrants, who they blamed for the election of Radical Republicans, were also targets of their hatred. Between 1868 and 1870 the Ku Klux Klan played an important role in
restoring white rule in North Carolina, Tennessee and Georgia.
At first the main objective of white supremacy organizations
such as the Ku Klux Klan, the White Brotherhood, the Men of Justice, the Constitutional Union Guards and the Knights of the
White Camelia was to stop black people from voting. After white governments had been established in the South the Ku Klux
Klan continued to undermine the power of blacks. Successful black businessmen were attacked and any attempt to form black
protection groups such as trade unions was quickly dealt with.
Radical Republicans in Congress such as Benjamin Butler urged President Ulysses S. Grant to take action against the Ku Klux Klan. In 1870 he instigated an investigation into the organization
and the following year a Grand Jury reported that: "There has existed since 1868, in many counties of the state, an organization
known as the Ku Klux Klan, or Invisible Empire of the South, which embraces in its membership a large proportion of the white
population of every profession and class. The Klan has a constitution and bylaws, which provides, among other things, that
each member shall furnish himself with a pistol, a Ku Klux gown and a signal instrument. The operations of the Klan are executed
in the night and are invariably directed against members of the Republican Party. The Klan is inflicting summary vengeance
on the colored citizens of these citizens by breaking into their houses at the dead of night, dragging them from their beds,
torturing them in the most inhuman manner, and in many instances murdering."
Congress passed the Ku Klux Act and became
law on 20th April, 1871. This gave the president the power to intervene in troubled states with the authority to suspend the
writ of habeas corpus in countries where disturbances occurred. Although Ulysses S. Grant used this legislation several times, the Ku Klux Klan. However, because its objective of white supremacy
in the South had been achieved, the organization practically disappeared.
The Ku Klux Klan was reformed in 1915 by
William J. Simmons, a preacher influenced by Thomas Dixon's book, The Ku Klux Klan (1905) and the film of the book,
Birth of a Nation, directed by D.W. Griffith.
The National Association for the Advancement of Coloured People (NAACP) became the main opponent of the Ku Klux Klan. To show that the members of the organization would
not be intimidated, it held its 1920 annual conference in Atlanta, considered at the time to be one of the most active Ku
Klux Klan areas in America.
After the First World War the Ku Klux Klan also became extremely hostile to Jews, Roman Catholics, socialists, communists and anybody they identified as foreigners.
In November 1922 Hiram W. Evans became the Klan's Imperial Wizard. Under his leadership the organization grew rapidly and in the 1920s Klansmen were elected to positions of political
power. This included state officials in Texas, Oklahoma, Indiana, Oregon and Maine. By 1925 membership reached 4,000,000.
Even on the rare occasions they were arrested for serious crimes, Klansmen were unlikely to be convicted by local Southern
After the conviction of the Klan leader, David C. Stephenson, for second-degree murder, and evidence of corruption
by other members such as the governor of Indiana and the mayor of Indianapolis, membership fell to around 30,000. This trend
continued during the Great Depression and the Second World War and in 1944 the organization. was disbanded.
In the 1950s the emergence of the Civil Rights Movement resulted in a revival in Ku Klux Klan organizations. The most of important of these was the White Knights
of the Ku Klux Klan led by Robert Shelton. In the Deep South considerable pressure was put on blacks by klansmen not to vote.
An example of this was the state of Mississippi. By 1960, 42% of the population were black but only 2% were registered to
vote. Lynching was still employed as a method of terrorizing the local black population.
On Sunday, 15th September, 1963, a white man was seen getting
out of a white and turquoise Chevrolet car and placing a box under the steps of the Sixteenth Street Baptist Church. Soon
afterwards, at 10.22 a.m., the bomb exploded killing Denise McNair (11), Addie Mae Collins (14), Carole Robertson (14) and
Cynthia Wesley (14). The four girls had been attending Sunday school classes at the church. Twenty-three other people were
also hurt by the blast.
A witness identified Robert Chambliss, a member of the Ku
Klux Klan, as the man who placed the bomb under the steps of the Sixteenth Street Baptist Church. He was arrested and charged with murder and possessing a box of 122 sticks of dynamite without a permit.
On 8th October, 1963, Chambliss was found not guilty of murder and received a hundred-dollar fine and a six-month jail sentence
for having the dynamite.
the NAACP, the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE) and the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) organized its Freedom Summer campaign. Its main objective was to try an end the political disenfranchisement of African Americans
in the Deep South. Volunteers from the three organizations decided to concentrate its efforts in Mississippi. The three organizations
established 30 Freedom Schools in towns throughout Mississippi. Volunteers taught in the schools and the curriculum now included black
history, the philosophy of the civil rights movement. During the summer of 1964 over 3,000 students attended these schools and the experiment provided a model
for future educational programs such as Head Start.
Freedom Schools were often targets of white mobs. So also were the homes of local African Americans involved in the campaign.
That summer 30 black homes and 37 black churches were firebombed. Over 80 volunteers were beaten by white mobs or racist police
officers and three men, James Chaney, Andrew Goodman and Michael Schwerner, were murdered by the Ku Klux Klan on 21st June, 1964. These deaths created nation-wide publicity for
The Sixteenth Street Baptist Church Bombing was unsolved until Bill Baxley was elected attorney general of Alabama. He requested the original Federal Bureau of Investigation files on the case and discovered that the organization had accumulated a great deal of evidence against
Chambliss that had not been used in the original trial. In November, 1977 Chambliss was tried once again for the Sixteenth
Street Baptist Church bombing. Now aged 73, Chambliss was found guilty and sentenced to life imprisonment.
In 1981 the trial of Josephus Andersonan, an African
American charged with the murder of a white policeman, took place in Mobile. At the end of the case the jury was unable to
reach a verdict. This upset members of the local Ku Klux Klan who believed that the reason for this was that some members
of the jury were African Americans. At a meeting held after the trial, Bennie Hays, the second-highest ranking official in
the Klan in Alabama said: "If a black man can get away with killing a white man, we ought to be able to get away with killing
a black man."
On Saturday 21st March, 1981, Bennie Hays's son, Henry Hays, and James Knowles, decided they would get
revenge for the failure of the courts to convict the man for killing a policeman. They travelled around Mobile in their car
until they found nineteen year old Michael Donald walking home. After forcing him into the car Donald was taken into the next county where he was lynched.
A brief investigation took place and eventually the local police claimed that Donald had been
murdered as a result of a disagreement over a drugs deal. Donald's mother, Beulah Mae Donald, who knew that her son was not
involved with drugs, was determined to obtain justice. She contacted Jessie Jackson who came to Mobile and led a protest march about the failed police investigation.
the assistant United States attorney in Mobile, managed to persuade the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) to look into the case. James Bodman was sent to Mobile and it did not take him long to persuade
James Knowles to confess to the killing of Michael Donald.
In June 1983, Knowles was found guilty of violating Donald's
civil rights and was sentenced to life imprisonment. Six months later, when Henry Hays was tried for murder, Knowles appeared
as chief prosecution witness. Hays was found guilty and sentenced to death.
With the support of Morris Dees and Joseph J. Levin at the Southern Poverty Law Centre (SPLC), Beulah Mae Donald decided that she would use this case to try and destroy the Ku Klux Klan in
Alabama. Her civil suit against the United Klans of America took place in February 1987. The all-white jury found the Klan
responsible for the lynching of Michael Donald and ordered it to pay 7 million dollars. This resulted the Klan having to hand over all its assets including
its national headquarters in Tuscaloosa.
After a long-drawn out legal struggle, Henry Hayes was executed on 6th June,
1997. It was the first time a white man had been executed for a crime against an African American since 1913.
On 17th May, 2000, the FBI announced that the Sixteenth Street Baptist Church Bombing had been carried out by the Ku Klux Klan splinter group, the Cahaba Boys. It was claimed that four men,
Robert Chambliss, Herman Cash, Thomas Blanton and Bobby Cherry had been responsible for the crime. Cash was dead but Blanton
and Cherry were arrested. In May 2002 the 71 year old Bobby Cherry was convicted of the murder of Denise McNair, Addie Mae Collins, Carole Robertson and Cynthia Wesley and was sentenced to life in prison.
Ku Klux Klan initiation ceremony (1954)
(1) In 1868 the Ku Klux Klan drew up a series of questions
for people who wanted to join its organisation.
Are you now, or have you ever
been a member of the Radical Republican Party?
Did you belong to the Federal Army during the late war, and fight against
the South during the existence of the same?
Are you opposed to Negro equality, both social and political?
you in favor of a white man's government in this country?
(2) J. L. Alcorn, letter to Elihu Washburne (29th June, 1868)
Can it be possible that the Northern
people have made the negro free, but to be returned, the slave of society, to bear in such slavery the vindictive resentments
that the satraps of Davis maintain today towards the people of the north? Better a thousand times for the negro that the government
should return him to the custody of the original owner, where he would have a master to look after his well being, than that
his neck should be placed under the heel of a society, vindictive towards him because he is free.
(3) President Ulysses S. Grant ordered a Federal Grand Jury investigation into the Ku Klux Klan. The report was published in 1871.
There has existed since 1868, in many counties of the state, an organization known as the Ku Klux Klan, or Invisible
Empire of the South, which embraces in its membership a large proportion of the white population of every profession and class.
The Klan has a constitution and bylaws, which provides, among other things, that each member shall furnish himself with a
pistol, a Ku Klux gown and a signal instrument. The operations of the Klan are executed in the night and are invariably directed
against members of the Republican Party. The Klan is inflicting summary vengeance on the colored citizens of these citizens
by breaking into their houses at the dead of night, dragging them from their beds, torturing them in the most inhuman manner,
and in many instances murdering.
(4) In his autobiography, Autobiography and Personal
Reminiscences, Benjamin Butler wrote about the passing of legislation against the Ku Klux Klan in 1870.
There were numerous large bands of organized marauders
called the Ku Klux Klan, who were dressed in fantastic uniforms, and who rode at night and inflicted unnumbered and horrible
outrages upon the negro so that he could not dare to come to the polls. Indeed, the men of the South seemed to think themselves
excused in these outrages because they wanted to insure a white man's government in their States.
I desired that Congress
should pass laws, which, with their punishments and modes of execution, would be sufficiently severe under the circumstances
to prevent those outrages entirely, or at least to punish them.
A bill was reported by that special committee. By
the bill this murdering of negroes of Ku Klux riders at night was to be deemed conspiracy, and punished by fine and imprisonment.
But the prisoner would first have to be convicted by a Southern jury, and upon these juries other members of the Ku Klux could
serve if their own cases were not on trial. That bill was passed, and the government made great show of enforcing it.
(5) W. A. White, letter to Herbert Bayard Swope (17th September, 1921)
An organizer of the Ku Klux Klan was in Emporia the other day, and the men whom he invited to join his band
at $10 per join turned him down. Under the leadership of Dr. J. B. Brickell and following their own judgment after hearing
his story, the Emporians told him that they had no time for him. The proposition seems to be:
Anti-foreigners, Anti-Catholics, Anti-Negroes.
There are, of course, bad foreigners and good ones, good Catholics
and bad ones, and all kinds of Negroes. To make a case against a birthplace, a religion, or a race is wickedly un-American
and cowardly. The whole trouble with the Ku Klux Klan is that it is based upon such deep foolishness that it is bound to be
a menace to good government in any community. Any man fool enough to be Imperial Wizard would have power without responsibility
and both without any sense. That is social dynamite.
American institutions, our courts, our legislators, our executive
officers are strong enough to keep the peace and promote justice and goodwill in the community. If they are not, then the
thing to do is to change these institutions and do it quickly, but always legally. For a self-constituted body of moral idiots,
who would substitute the findings of the Ku Klux Klan for the processes of law to try to better conditions, would be a most
un-American outrage which every good citizen should resent.
It is to the everlasting credit of Emporia that the organizer found
no suckers with $10 each to squander here. Whatever Emporia may be otherwise, it believes in law and order, and absolute freedom
under the Constitution for every man, no matter what birth or creed or race, to speak and meet and talk and act as a free,
law-abiding citizen. The picayunish cowardice of a man who would substitute Klan rule and mob law for what our American fathers
have died to establish and maintain should prove what a cheap screw outfit the Klan is.
(6) Hiram W. Evans, North American Review (May, 1926)
The greatest achievement so far has
been to formulate, focus, and gain recognition for an idea - the idea of
preserving and developing America first and chiefly for the benefit of the children of the pioneers who made America, and
only and definitely along the lines of the purpose and spirit of those pioneers. The Klan cannot claim to have created this
idea - it has long been a vague stirring in the souls of the plain people. But the Klan can fairly claim to have given it
purpose, method, direction, and a vehicle.
When the Klan first appeared, the nation was in the confusion
of sudden awakening from the lovely dream of the melting pot, disorganized and helpless before the invasion of aliens and
alien ideas. After ten years of the Klan it is in arms for defense. This is our great achievement. The second is more selfish;
we have won the leadership in the movement for Americanism. Except for a few lonesome voices, almost drowned by the clamor
of the alien and the alien minded "Liberal," the Klan alone faces the invader.
This is not to say that the Klan has gathered into its membership
all who are ready to fight for America. The Klan is the champion, but it is not merely an organization. It is an idea, a faith,
a purpose, an organized crusade. No recruit to the cause has ever been really lost. Though men and women drop from the ranks,
they remain with us in purpose and can be depended on fully in any crisis. Also, there are many millions who have never joined
but who think and feel and - when called on - fight with us. This is our real strength, and no one who ignores it can hope
to understand America today.
Other achievements of these ten years have been the education of
the millions of our own membership in citizenship, the suppression of much lawlessness and increase of good government wherever
we have become strong, the restriction of immigration, and the defeat of the Catholic attempt to seize the Democratic Party.
All these we have helped, and all are important.
The outstanding proof of both our influence and our service,
however, has been in creating, outside our ranks as well as in them, not merely the growing national concentration on the
problems of Americanism but also a growing sentiment against radicalism, cosmopolitanism, and alienism of all kinds. We have
produced instead a sane and progressive conservatism along national lines. We have enlisted our racial instincts for the work
of preserving and developing our American traditions and customs. This was most strikingly shown in the elections last fall
when the conservative reaction amazed all politicians - especially the La Follette
rout in the Northwest. This reaction added enormously
to the plurality of
the President, the size of which was the great surprise
of the election.
The Klan, therefore, has now come to speak for the great mass of
Americans of the old pioneer stock. We believe that it
does fairly and faithfully represent them, and our proof lies in
their support. To understand the Klan, then, it is necessary to understand the character and present mind of the mass of old-stock
Americans. The mass, it must be remembered, as distinguished from the intellectually mongrelized "Liberals."
These are, in the first place, a blend of various peoples of the
so-called Nordic race, the race which, with all its faults, has given the world almost the whole of modern civilization. The
Klan does not try to represent any people but these.
There is no need to recount the virtues of the American pioneers;
but it is too often forgotten that in the pioneer period a selective process of intense rigor went on. From the first, only
hardy, adventurous, and strong men and women dared the pioneer dangers; from among these, all but the best died swiftly, so
that the new Nordic blend which became the American race was bred up to a point probably the highest in history. This remarkable
race character, along with the new-won continent and the new-created nation, made the inheritance of the old-stock Americans
the richest ever given to a generation of men.
(7) Boston Blackwell, aged 98 from North Little Rock, Arkansas,
interviewed as part of the Federal Writers Project in 1937.
Them Ku Kluxers was terrible - what they done to people. Oh, God,
they was bad. They come sneaking up and run you out of your house and take everything you had. They was rough on the women
and children. People all wanted to stay close by where soldiers was. I sure knowed they was my friend.
Now you wants to know about this voting business. I voted
for General Grant. Army men come around and registered you before voting time. It wasn't no trouble to vote them days; white
and black all voted together. All you had to do was tell who you was vote for and they give you a colored ticket. All the
men up had different colored tickets. If you voted for Grant, you get his color. It was easy. They was colored men in office,
plenty. Colored legislators, and colored circuit clerks, and colored county clerks. They sure was some big officers colored
in them times. They was all my friends. This here used to be a good county, but I tell you it sure is tough now. I think it's
wrong - exactly wrong that we can't vote now. The Jim Crow law, it put us out. The
Constitution of the United States, it give us the right to vote. It made us citizens, it did.
(8) In her autobiography, Song in a Weary Throat,
Pauli Murray wrote about the experiences of her grandparents living in Orange County after the American Civil War.
In the early days of their marriage, when my grandparents
were struggling to establish a foothold, Grandmother often stayed alone in the farm near Chapel Hill. Grandfather was working
in his brickyard in Durham, twelve miles away, until he was able to build the family home there, and their children were often
in Durham helping him. It was a time when the Ku Klux Klan in Orange County sought to run coloured farmers off their land,
and Grandmother's isolated cabin in the woods was an easy target.
Late at night she would be awakened by the thudding
of horses' hooves as night riders, brandishing torches and yelling like banshees, swept into the clearing and rode round and
round her cabin, churning the earth outside her door. She never knew when they might set fire to the place, burning her to
death inside, and some nights she was so terrified that she would get out of bed in the middle of the night, creep through
the woods to the roadway, and trudge the twelve miles to Durham, preferring the dark, lonely but open road to the risk of
being trapped at the farm.
(9) Malcolm X, Autobiography of Malcolm X (1965)
When my mother was pregnant with me, she told me later, a party
of hooded Ku Klux Klan riders galloped up to our home in Omaha, Nebraska, one night. Surrounding the house, brandishing their
shotguns and rifles, they shouted for my father to come out. My mother went to the front door and opened it. Standing where
they could see her pregnant condition, she told them that she was alone with her three small children, and that my father
was away, preaching in Milwaukee. The Klansmen shouted threats and warnings at her that we had better get out of town because
"the good Christian white people" were not going to stand for my father's "spreading trouble" among the "good" Negroes of
Omaha with the "back to Africa" preachings of Marcus Garvey.
the summer of 1922 Marcus Garvey had a secret meeting with Edward Y. Clarke, Imperial Wizard of the Ku Klux Klan. The New York Times
reported Garvey's comments about meeting on 10th July, 1922)
The Ku Klux Klan is going to make this a white man's country. They
are perfectly frank and honest about it. Fighting them is not going to get you anywhere.
(11) Marcus Garvey, Negro World (September, 1923)
I regard the Klan, the Anglo-Saxon clubs and White American societies,
as far as the Negro is concerned, as better friends of the race than all other groups of hypocritical whites put together.
I like honesty and fair play. You may call me a Klansman if you will, but, potentially, every white man is a Klansman, as
far as the Negro in competition with whites socially, economically and politically is concerned, and there is no use lying
(12) R. A. Patton, writing about the activities of the
Ku Klux Klan in Current History (1929)
A lad whipped with branches until his back was ribboned flesh: a
Negress beaten and left helpless to contract pneumonia from exposure and dies; a white girl, divorcee beaten into unconsciousness
in her home; a naturalized foreigner flogged until his back was pulp because he married an American woman; a Negro lashed
until he sold his land to a white man for a fraction of its value.
(13) Robert Coughlan Konklave in Kokomo (1949)
Literally half the town belonged to the Klan when I was a boy. At its peak, which was from 1923 through 1925,
the Nathan Hale Den had about five thousand members, out of an able-bodied adult population of ten thousand. With this strength
the Klan was able to dominate local politics. It packed the police and fire departments with its own people, with the result
that on parade nights the traffic patrolmen disappeared and traffic control was taken over by sheeted figures whose size and
shape resembled those of the vanished patrolmen.
(14) Jose Yglesias, union activist describing a strike
During the strike the KKK would come into the Labour Temple with guns, and break up meetings. Very frequently,
they were police in hoods. The picket lines would hold hands, and the KKK would beat them up and cart them off. When the strike
was lost, the Tampa paper published a full page, in large type; the names of all members of the strike committee. They were
indicted for conspiracy and spent a year in jail. None of them got their jobs back.
(15) Erskine Caldwell, You Have Seen Their Faces (1937)
Mississippi: The white farmer
has not always been the lazy, slipshod, good-for-nothing person that he is frequently described as being. Somewhere in his
span of life he became frustrated. He felt defeated. He felt the despair and dejection that comes from defeat. He was made
aware of the limitations of life imposed upon those unfortunate enough to be made slaves of sharecropping. Out of his predicament
grew desperation, out of desperation grew resentment. His bitterness was a taste his tongue would always know.
a land that has long been glorified in the supremacy of the white race, he directed his resentment against the black man.
His normal instincts became perverted. He became wasteful and careless. He became bestial. He released his pent-up emotions
by lynching the black man in order to witness the mental and physical suffering of another human being. He became cruel and
inhuman in everyday life as his resentment and bitterness increased. He released his energy from day to day by beating mules
and dogs, by whipping and kicking an animal into insensibility or to death. When his own suffering was more than he could
stand, he could live only by witnessing the suffering of others.
(16) Dr. E. P. Pruitt, Grand Dragon of the Federated Klans
of Alabama, speech in Georgia (1954)
The Klan don't hate nobody! In fact, the Klan is the good nigger's best friend.
If the nigger will devote his energies to becoming a better, more useful nigger, rather than the dupe of Northern interests
who have caused him to misconstrue his social standing, he will reap the rewards of industry, instead of the disappointments
of ambition unobtainable!
Southern whites, occupying that super-position assigned them by the Creator, are justifiably
hostile to any race that attempts to drag them down to its own level! Therefore let the nigger be wise in leaving the ballot
in the hands of a dominant sympathetic race, since he is far better off as a political eunuch in the house of his friends,
than a voter rampant in the halls of his enemies!
(17) After joining the Ku Klux Klan, Stetson Kennedy was able to informally interview Cliff Carter, the Night Hawk of the Klan.
Kloran of the Klan defines a Klavalier as the soldier of the Klan. We take our name from the cavalier - a courtly, polite,
cultured and very courageous and skillful soldier of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.
As the Military Department
of the Invisible Empire, we Klavaliers also serve as the secret police of the KKK and are entrusted with carrying out all
"direct-line" activity. We are a militant army, serving our country in peacetime as the U.S. Army does in wartime! Our country
was founded by a white Protestant nation, and we intend to maintain it as such! Any attempt to influence its affairs by inferior
racial minorities or persons owing allegiance to foreign prelates or potentates will not be tolerated!
groups - whether they be Negro-Americans, Jewish-Americans, Catholic-Americans, Italian-Americans or whatever must become
American-Americans, or leave the country! The Ku Klux Klan is an American-American organization. As the Army of the Klan we
Klavaliers are dedicated to saving America for Americans!
Robert F. Williams, Liberation Magazine (September, 1959)
In 1957 the Klan moved
into Monroe and Union County (N.C.). Their numbers
steadily increased to the point wherein the local press reported 7500 at one rally. They became so brazen that mile-long motorcades
started invading the Negro community.
These hooded thugs fired pistols from car windows. On one
occasion they caught a Negro woman on the street and tried to force her to dance for them at gun point. Drivers of cars tried to run Negroes down. Lawlessness was rampant. Instead of cowing, we organized an armed guard. On one occasion, we had to exchange
gunfire with the Klan.
Each time the Klan came on a raid they were led by police
cars. We appealed to the President of the United States to have the Justice Department investigate the police. We appealed
to Governor Luther Hodges. All our appeals to constituted law were in vain.
(19) Leaflet circulated by the Ku Klux Klan in Mississippi
Here are Twenty Reasons WHY you should, if qualified, join, aid and support the White Knights of the KU
KLUX KLAN of Mississippi:
1. Because it is a Christian, fraternal and benevolent organization.
2. Because it
is a democratic organization, governed by its members.
3. Because it is a democratic and just organization.
Because it is a working organization which not only talks but ACTS.
5. Because it is a very secret organization and
no one will know that you are a member.
6. Because it is a legal organization and no one can be prosecuted for being
7. Because it is a politically independent organization, and is not pledged to any political party.
Because it is a Pro-American organization that opposes any thing, person or organization that is Un-American.
it is an organization that is sworn to uphold the lawful Constitution of the United States of America.
10 Because it
is composed of native-born, white, gentile and protestant American citizens who are sound of mind and of good moral character.
11. Because the goals of the KKK are the total segregation of the races and the total destruction of communism in
all its forms.
12. Because the KKK has twice saved this nation from destruction as history clearly records.
Because there comes a time in the life of every man when he has to choose between the right or wrong side of life.
Because there are today many alien forces entering the United States of America bent upon its destruction.
it informs its members, and an informed citizen is a good citizen.
16. Because a Christian-like brotherhood among
men must be revived in America.
17. Because on of the goals of the KKK is States' Rights and complete State Sovereignty.
18. Because neither the Conservatives nor the Liberals will save out nation, for patriots always save a nation.
Because it is clear now that if communism is to be defeated in America, it will be done in the South and primarily in Mississippi.
20. Because the KKK needs you today to help fight America's battles.
(20) Frances Coleman wrote about the Michael Donald case in the Mobile Register (1st June, 1997)
June 6 will
be a sad day for Alabamians, whether their skins are white, black or brown. On that day -- the previous night, really, at
12:01 a.m. - the state of Alabama will electrocute Henry Francis Hays for beating a black man to death 16 years ago, and then
hanging his body from a tree.
The execution will rip the scab from the old, deep, nasty wound of racism, which in the
20th-century South alternately heals and festers. It will fester again this week as residents of the Heart of Dixie re-live
the brutal death of 19-year-old Michael Donald.
It is a story of contrasts: The murderer, a white man, grew up in a
home filled with hate and violence. The victim was reared by a loving mother and doting older siblings.
knew what he was about that night, when he and a friend set out to kill a black man. Michael Donald, on the other hand, was
innocently walking up the street on a spring evening in Mobile to buy some cigarettes, when fate delivered him into the white
Most vivid, though, is the contrast between fiction and reality. Michael Donald was murdered -- beaten
to death with a tree limb -- not in the 1930s or '40s, even in the 1960s, but in 1981. Such things weren't supposed to happen
almost 30 years after the Supreme Court declared "separate but equal'' unconstitutional, and nearly 20 years after the Civil
Rights Act of 1964.
Nor were they supposed to happen in Mobile, which in the 1960s had somehow managed to avoid the
racial violence that erupted in Selma and Birmingham.
Black men kidnapped and beaten, their bodies strung up in a
tree? That was something that happened on the dark back roads of Dallas County or over in the Mississippi Delta, not in Alabama's
But hate crimes aren't constrained by time, place or suppositions. The reality is that Michael
Donald died just 16 years ago at the hands of two Ku Klux Klansmen. So what if his death came years after lynchings were supposed
to have ceased, and in a place not known for such things?
Barely out of childhood, he was a tragic, latter-day victim
of a time when it was safer to be white -- when to be a black girl or woman was to invite sexual violence, and to be a black
boy or man was to evoke daily disrespect, laced always with the potential for a fatal confrontation.
In the early hours
of Friday morning, Henry Hays will pay for ending Michael Donald's life that day in 1981. He claims that he is innocent --
death row residents generally say that - but the evidence shows otherwise. Yet Hays is also a victim, albeit in a much different
way than Donald.
Reared by an abusive father who beat his sons mercilessly, he was steered into a life of brutality
and hate -- a life that one day included membership in the KKK. Hays learned little about love and less about tolerance.
penalty advocates tout execution as a deterrent to crime, and maybe it is in some respects. Henry Hays' death, though, will
serve mostly as a sad commentary on a society that in 1997 - less than three years from the turn of the century - is having
to electrocute a man for murdering another man, solely because of the color of his skin.
(21) Duncan Campbell, The Guardian (23rd May, 2002)
A former Ku Klux Klansman was convicted yesterday of the murder
of four black girls in the 1963 church bombing in Alabama that acted as a catalyst for the civil rights movement.
Bobby Frank Cherry, 71, was convicted of first-degree murder after
the jury of nine whites and three blacks had deliberated for less than a day. He will spend the rest of his life in prison.
The court found that Cherry had been one of a group of Klansmen
who plotted to bomb the Sixteenth Street Baptist Church in Birmingham, which was at the centre of local civil rights protests.
Two other former Klansmen have been convicted and a fourth died before facing trial.
The bomb killed Denise McNair, 11, and Addie Mae Collins, Carole
Robertson and Cynthia Wesley, all 14. Their deaths came days after local schools were desegregated.
During the week-long trial, relatives of the dead girls listened
as some members of Cherry's own family gave evidence against him.
The former truck driver became a suspect immediately after the
bombing but until 1995, when the case was reopened, it had seemed that he would escape trial. But members of Cherry's family,
with whom he had fallen out, came forward to tell investigators that he had boasted of taking part in the bombing.
During the trial, his granddaughter, Teresa Stacy, told the court:
"He said he helped blow up a bunch of niggers back in Birmingham." His ex-wife, Willadean Brogdon, told the court that he
had confessed to her that he had lit the fuse to the dynamite that caused the explosion.
During the early 60s in Birmingham, black people were attacked
by whites with little danger of facing punishment, and Cherry was active in violent attacks against civil rights activists.
He had boasted of punching the civil14 rights leader Rev Fred Shuttlesworth
with knuckle dusters, saying that he had "bopped ol' Shuttlesworth in the head". He also boasted of a splitting open a black
man's head with a pistol.
Cherry, who had moved to Mabank in Texas, denied involvement and
pleaded not guilty, but clandestinely recorded tapes showed that he was associated with the other convicted former Klansmen,
Thomas Blanton Jr and Robert "dynamite Bob" Chambliss.
Cherry had been a demolitions expert in the Marines.
The case had been closed more than three decades
ago after the FBI director at the time, J Edgar Hoover, had said it would be impossible to get a guilty verdict because of
the existing climate of racism.